Tom Lukiwski: From Mouseland to Dirty Rats

A CULTURE OF DEFIANCE: History of the Reform-Conservative Party of Canada

I believe that Tommy Douglas is hands down the best Canadian politician that ever lived, and there is a reason why he was voted by the Canadian people, the Greatest Canadian. He was the antithesis of neoconservatism, but unfortunately the neoconservative government of Grant Devine in Saskatchewan, tore down much of what Tommy Douglas had achieved in the province.

And now the neoconservative government of Stephen Harper is on a course to tear down what Tommy Douglas achieved for the country: Medicare.

Same old, Same Old: The Saskatchewan Party

After the scandal that resulted in nearly a million dollars being embezzled from Saskatchewan taxpayers, all but destroyed the Tory party, there needed to be a revamping.

So in 1997, the Saskatchewan Party was formed by a coalition of four former Progressive Conservatives and four Liberal Party members of the Legislature.

However, it was not a formal merger between the two, and the PCs were not disbanded. It was instead allowed to go dormant for the next two election cycles, with assets held in trust. Because the new party consisted largely of former Progressive Conservatives, it was initially derided by opponents as merely a re-branding of the Progressive Conservative name in an attempt to distance itself from the still fresh corruption scandal. This view has continued to follow the party up to the present. (Wikipedia)

During the formation of the new party, they worked alongside another reinvented party, as the Reform was disbanded and a new Alliance Party formed. According to one journalist and budding politician:

Creating political parties was the style of the day, with Reform Party leader Preston Manning pushing forward his United Alternative which sought to emulate the model of the Saskatchewan Party, born from a marriage of progressive Conservatives and liberals in Saskatchewan. I met one of his assistants, Kory
Teneycke, at a Sask Party function and helped to arrange Manning’s appearance on CJME’s morning talk show with John Gormley. Kory and I would talk on the phone from time to time about the political scene in Saskatchewan and Ottawa where he worked. Soon I was approached to be a prospective candidate for the newly created Canadian Alliance, the fruit of Manning’s labour, and the party whose leadership he was now seeking. (1)

Tom Lukiwski remained with the Saskatchewan Party until it was discovered, and brought up by the opposition. After all, he was there throughout the whole mess.

And so I go through a list of people who worked for the Saskatchewan Party and I come upon a Tom Lukiwski. And who is this guy? Well he’s the executive director of the Saskatchewan Party. And who was he? Who was he, Mr. Speaker? He was formerly the executive director of the Progressive Conservative Party of Saskatchewan. (2)

Not long after, Lukiwski resigned his position to run for the federal party of Stephen Harper, and the Saskatchewan party is running the province under Brad Wall (another person on the infamous tape)

Sources:

1. The Saskatchewan Party and the Canadian Alliance, Brendon Cross, First Nations Party

2. Saskatchewan Legislature, Hansard, March 24, 2003

Tom Lukiwski, Grant Devine and the Religious Right

A CULTURE OF DEFIANCE: History of the Reform-Conservative Party of Canada

"I've always been strongly opposed to using religion as a gimmick for gaining political support. I believe in applying Christian principles to politics and to government. But I think one must remember that in a political party there are people of all religious beliefs, just as in every church there are people of different political points of view." Tommy Douglas (1)

Though it is believed that Ralph Klein and Mike Harris led the first neoconservative governments in Canada, Grant Devine in Saskatchewan came before them. I suspect the reason they don't advertise that fact is because of the scandal that has come to define those years. And for many of those years, the executive director for the party was Tom Lukiwski, now in the Harper government. When the old tape, where he is making disparaging remarks about homosexuals came to light, it became about his remarks, instead of the people seen on the video with him, including two who ended up in jail.

However, Grant Devine was also one of the first to bring the American religious right movement to Canada, tapping into religious fervour as a "gimmick" for political gain. Not that he didn't have fundamentalist views. I believe he did. However, rather than in the case of Tommy Douglas, who gave the province and the country so much, Devine was only interested in taking away.

Grant Devine and Neoconservatism


Though traditional Canadian conservatism represented social democracy and a strong sense of community, Grant Devine embraced a conservatism that more closely represented the neoconservatism of Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher.

But with it were elements of American style conservatism that stressed individual responsibilities and an established moral code.

The new right in Saskatchewan has broken with tradition and accepted the superiority of the market over democratic government. In most respects, it borrows its ideas from American and British neo-conservatives. Devine's outspoken moralizing and promotion of family values have an affinity with Jerry Falwell, Pat Robertson and the Moral Majority. His admiration of the American economic system, his eager endorsement of free trade with the United States, his tendency to adopt the style of an American governor, and his disdain for the traditions of parliamentary government all testify to the strength of the American influence. (2)

Everything that Tommy Douglas had accomplished had to be abolished if neoconservatism had a chance. Ironically, while Tommy Douglas was recently named the Greatest Canadian, voted on by Canadians, everyone associated with this movement hated him. Ernest Manning called him a communist. The National Citizens Coalition*, which was founded on the advice of Ernest Manning, was formed to fight against his Medicare, and Stockwell Days' father ran against him, also calling Douglas a communist, and a threat to our country.

Maybe that should tell us something.

But unlike Tommy Douglas, Devine had no notions of taking care of the people of Saskatchewan. Like Stephen Harper, he embraced the teachings of Friedrick Von Hayek and Morton Friedman, Ronald Reagan's financial guru:

Both Hayek and Friedman had been saying for a long time that government activity should be cut to a bare minimum and that the market should rule ... It became fashionable to talk about the theory of incentives and to deplore government assistance for the poor. It was good for people to be poor; being poor made them work hard to lift themselves out of poverty. It was good for people to be rich; the existence of rich people encouraged others to think that if they took risks, were innovative and worked hard, they too could be rich and not have to worry about the government taking the fruits of their entrepreneurship away from them. A less secure social safety net would sharpen the survival instincts of a citizenry too long pampered by affluence and welfare. According to the neoconservatives, government interference in the economy was a kind of sickness; the free market was hailed as a miracle worker. (3)

This was not unlike Ernest Manning's philosophy: "Giving to the individual societal benefits such as free medical care ... breeds idleness... causing a break down in his relationship with God ... where the state imposed a monopoly on a service ... the sinful philosophy of state collectivism scored a victory." (4)

Grant Devine and the Religious Right

Along with the economic principles of the American neoconservative movement, Devine also brought along the religious crusade of the Moral Majority, or Christian Right. He campaigned on a platform of "family values", using the slogan "God first, family second, the Conservative party third, borrowed from Mary Kay Cosmetics, which his wife sold: "God first, family second, and business third". Devine believed that politicians had both a right and a responsibility to provide moral guidance: "I think one of the biggest challenges we face in this country and North America is one of morals."

Adding to the fury of the neo-conservative attack on the welfare state is an alliance forged with the new Christian right, which has become a force to be reckoned with in American politics. The Christian right claims to have Biblical sanction for free market economics, and prescribes moral solutions for the problems afflicting society. Poverty, unemployment, family breakdown, crime, drug addiction, pornography, sexual permissiveness would all end if people were "born again." Because the new Christian right is profoundly anti-government, it is compatible with secular neo-conservatism. Government social programs and anti-poverty campaigns are judged to be useless because all social problems are simply questions of individual morality. Indeed, the welfare state is worse than useless because it takes the onus off individuals and families. The family teaches children individual self-worth and moral responsibility, and prepares young people for the battle of life in a sternly competitive world. Socialism and feminism are the twin enemies of the family, one because it allegedly robs families of their rightful role, the other because it takes mothers out of the home.

Although the Christian right is anti-government in that it opposes the welfare state, it heartily approves of some types of government activity. The power of the state can legitimately be used to curtail individual liberty as long as the purpose is the enforcement of Christian morality, as defined by the Bible and authoritatively interpreted by the new Christian right. Values such as tolerance, pluralism, and freedom of choice are rejected in the name of a higher morality, one that "would make America great again." For the Christian right, morality is not a private but a public matter. On these grounds, it campaigns for coercive state action on such issues as abortion, homosexuality, and school prayer. Neo-conservative economics merged with moral majority values to create a potent political movement. (5)

He also opposed abortion and homosexuality, and like Stephen Harper, took on board pro-life groups, including REAL women of Canada.

Though Tom Lukiwski's father was a union activist and lifetime NDP, his son would adopt neoconservatism, embracing the divisiveness and dirty politics that goes along with it.

Next: Tom Lukiwski: Sex, Lies and Videotape

Footnotes:

* Stephen Harper was president of the NCC
Sources:

1. The Making of a Socialist: The Recollections of T.C. Douglas, Edited By Lewis H. Thomas, The University of Alberta Press, 1982, ISBN: 0-88864-070-7, Pg. 82

2. Privatizing a Province: The New Right in Saskatchewan, By: James M. Pitsula and Ken Rasmussen, New Star Books, 1990, ISBN: 0-921586-10-8, Pg. 7

3. Pitsula/Rasmussen, 1982, Pg. 11-12

4. Preston Manning and the Reform Party, By Murray Dobbin Goodread Biographies/Formac Publishing 1992 ISBN: 0-88780-161-7, Pg. 9

5. Pitsula/Rasmussen, 1982, Pg. 13

Tom Lukiwski and the Real Saskatchewan Scandal

A CULTURE OF DEFIANCE: History of the Reform-Conservative Party of Canada

In 2008 a seventeen-year-old tape of Harper MP, Tom Lukiwski surfaced, in which he was heard to say: "There's A's and there's B's. The A's are guys like me, the B's are homosexual faggots with dirt under their fingernails that transmit diseases." *

It immediately made headlines everywhere and he couldn't be more apologetic. Practically in tears, he begged for forgiveness and a little over the top, stated that he would spend the rest of his life making it up to the Gay Community (he's done nothing since).

However the drama was needed to deflect attention from the real issue: the fact that they were made when he was the Executive director of the Saskatchewan Tories of Grant Devine, the premier whose government was so corrupt that criminal charges had to be laid, and several of his ministers, went to jail; including John Scraba and Eric Bernston, who were also seen and heard on the tape.

Eric Bernston

He was the big fish in the small pond - the deputy premier who, everyone knew, truly ran Grant Devine's Saskatchewan government in the turbulent 1980s. But when now-Senator Eric Berntson was sentenced last week to a year in jail for defrauding taxpayers of $41,735, the ripples extended all the way to Ottawa. Saskatchewan residents - those who have not tuned out the long saga of provincial Tory corruption - were struck by two images of Berntson. One was the jowly, stone-faced power broker they had come to loathe. The other was a broken man, nearly friendless, pleading for compassion, citing the strain of events and his work on behalf of literacy and homeless children.

Except for one day in the Court of Queen's Bench - just before Justice Frank Gerein pronounced the sentence an abuse of trust and "a sad day for Saskatchewan" - Berntson has maintained a public silence. That has left most Canadians with another indelible image: that of another Tory senator led from court in handcuffs - only to return to a Senate seat, pending appeal. Both Berntson, 57, and Senator Michel Cogger*, 60, who was convicted last July of influence peddling, showed up unexpectedly for Senate duties on Wednesday. They sat side by side in an isolated corner of the upper chamber while catcalls of "shame" came from Reformers and New Democrats in the nearby House of Commons. (1)

"Shame" indeed, but this would not be the first time Bernston had brought shame to his Tory party. And defrauding taxpayers of $41,735, wasn't even his biggest crime. One of Canada's first neoconservative politicians, as deputy premier of Alberta, he became involved in one of the most progressive privatization schemes in Canada's history. (2)

And he was also involved in another political scandal, that came to light before the scheme that eventually sent him to jail. And while at the time of his being led out in handcuffs he was reportedly friendless, he had lots of friends back in the day when he was in the Saskatchewan legislature: "George Hill is my friend, and Dennis Ball is my friend. Al Woods is my friend; Wally Nelson is my friend; Cliff Wright is my friend; Wally Nelson is my friend; Herb Pinder is my friend ... I don't apologize for hiring our friends.(3)

The Giga Text Scandal

In 1989 the Saskatchewan government was required to have some of their laws printed in French and English, which promised to be an enormous undertaking. Enter Guy Montpetit, a business associate of Michael Cogger, who was a close friend of, and campaign chairman for, Brian Mulroney. (Cogger would later be appointed to the senate, as mentioned above).

Cogger sought the services of Ken Waschuk, a Conservative party pollster in Saskatchewan, who introduced Montpetit to Deputy Premier Eric Berntson. Montpetit assured him that he could provide the government with computer equipment and software that would do all the translations for them.

The Devine government quickly invested $4 million in GigaText for 25 percent of the shares. Montpetit and his business partner, Douglas Young, a Winnipeg university professor, invested no money, but received 75 percent of the shares. GigaText used the money to purchase twenty computers from another Montpetit-owned company, Lisp, which in turn had obtained the computers from GigaMos Systems,Inc., yet another Montpetit company. GigaMos had obtained the computers from a bankrupt U.S. computer company a few months earlier. They were part of the U.S. company's inventory and, according to an independent court-appointed auditor, had a value of $39,000. " However, GigaMos billed Lisp $1.5 million for the computers; an invoice was sent, but no money changed hands.

In other words, Lisp didn't pay anything for the computers. For these same computers, GigaText (that is, the government of Saskatchewan, the sole financial
backer of GigaText) paid $2.9 million. (4)

In other words, the Saskatchewan government paid almost three million dollars for thirty-nine thousand dollars worth of computers. When Bernston, who struck the deal was asked about this, he shrugged it off, claiming they got value for the money spent. They would fork over another million dollars, while Montpetit lived the high life, though he did share the wealth:

He also flew Eric Berntson, Berntson's chief political aide Terry Leier, and Ken Waschuk to various destinations. Leier, as a GigaText board member, received a $5,000 cash advance, while Waschuk was given a $150,000 interest-free loan. (4)

And despite the four million dollar expenditure, the computers never worked. The first time they tried to do a demonstration, they coughed and died. All of this is a matter of public record.

Going back to the studies, the question I just previously asked you, you’ve talked about other studies where you brought experts in once you realized you were in big trouble with GigaText. I’m asking about what kind of evaluations you did prior to investing the $4 million into GigaText for a 25 per cent share. There’s some independent evaluations of the GigaText system that refer to it as having coughed, sputtered, and died when it was fed independent information. Could you tell us how many studies were done - one would be even adequate - how many studies were done prior to the investment of $4 million in GigaText. Who did the study, and what was the conclusion of the study? And would you table that study with us here this evening to show us that you had at least some evaluation of GigaText, and it wasn’t just an arrangement made between Senator Cogger and Ken Waschuk and yourself and the Premier in the province to take us for $4 million. Tell us about at least one study before the $4 million investment, please. (5)

"Mr. Speaker, my question is to the Minister of Justice, and it concerns the GigaText scandal. Minister, on June 2 in this House we raised the question of a no-interest loan of $150,000 paid by Mr. Guy Montpetit to your PC government's pollster and friend, Ken Waschuk. At the time, your colleague, the minister responsible for SEDCO, said that this money was not GigaText money and that it did not come from Saskatchewan taxpayers. Is that also your contention, Mr. Minister?

... Mr. Speaker, that question has been raised in that form before, and the response I gave at that time is that that matter is subject to the investigation by the RCMP, and that report is to be coming down very shortly. And let's leave it to that investigation to determine that question ... What we are asking you about is your government's knowledge, or a lack thereof, about the spending of taxpayers' dollars ... Minister, my question is this: are you familiar with the report compiled by the court-appointed inspector of Mr. Montpetit's companies, presented in the Montreal court case, which clearly shows that the $150,000 loan received by your pollster, Ken Waschuk, came directly from GigaText money, channelled through the Montpetit controlled or operated companies, Lisp, Edubi, and Koyama? Are you familiar with that report, and when did you become aware of both that loan and its sources? (6)Scandals and incompetence would come to define the Devine government, but the Saskatchewan experiment in neoconservatism, would also come to define the Harper government, as key players have moved back and forth between the two.

So catcalls of "shame" may have come from the Reformers when Bernston was being led out, but he is on that tape calling himself 'F'in A', in a league with Tom Lukiwski.

Next: Tom Lukiwski, Grant Devine and the Religious Right

Footnotes:

* You can watch the entire video and read the transcripts at Giant Political Mouse.

Sources:

1. Saskandal, By: Robert Shephard, MacLeans, March 29, 1999

2. Privatizing a Province: The New Right in Saskatchewan, By: James M. Pitsula and Ken Rasmussen, New Star Books, 1990, ISBN: 0-921586-10-8

3. Eric Bernston, Hansard, November 22, 1983, Pg. 90

4. Pitsula/Rasmussen, 1990, Pg. 276-279

5. EVENING SITTING COMMITTEE OF FINANCE: Consolidated Fund Loans, Advances and Investments Crown Investments Corporation of Saskatchewan, Hansard, August 23, 1989

6. ROUTINE PROCEEDINGS INTRODUCTION OF GUESTS, ORAL QUESTIONS: Loan to Ken Waschuk, June 14, 1989

Tom Lukiwski: Sex, Lies and Videotape

A CULTURE OF DEFIANCE: History of the Reform-Conservative Party of Canada

In November 2003, when Harper's Canadian Alliance Party was in the midst of trying to merge with the Progressive Conservatives, a controversy took place that could have potentially destroyed his plans. His MP for Regina-Lumsden-Lake Centre, Larry Spencer; made headlines with an interview he gave, via e-mail, to Vancouver Sun reporter Peter O'Neil.

Spencer, a Baptist Minister, spoke of a gay movement, and stated that it was a "well-orchestrated conspiracy that included seducing and recruiting young boys in playgrounds and locker rooms, and deliberately infiltrating North America's schools (as teachers), judiciaries, entertainment industries, and religious communities..." He also stated that it would lead to polygamy and pedophilia and that he would support any bill to criminalize homosexuality.

Needless to say, Harper was infuriated. According to Spencer in a book he published in 2006; entitled "Sacrificed? Truth or Politics", he was called into a meeting with Harper, Harper's Chief of Staff, and Opposition house leader, John Reynolds; on the morning his comments made the news. Spencer stated that Harper was glowing bright red, and quotes him as saying: "Who put you up to this? Do you know this could stop the unity vote coming up? You knew we wanted to run on the preservation of the traditional definition of marriage in the next election, now we can't do that."

Spencer was immediately placed under a "gag order", stripped of his "family affairs critic" job and temporarily removed himself from caucus. Spencer said "I retracted the statement I made indicating I would support a bill to criminalize homosexuality" but he made no retraction of his claims about a gay conspiracy.

When an election was called the following year, Spencer was astounded when he was told he would not be allowed to run for the new Conservative Reform Alliance Party; but instead was being replaced by Tom Lukiwski. And then this videotape surfaced:

In an attempt to deflect attention away from the other people on the tape, members of the scandal ridden Devine government, Lukiwski went public, sobbing, apologizing and promising to make it up to the gay community. He never did.

In fact, though the tape had been made seventeen years prior, his record on the issue speaks for itself:

Looking at Hansard for June 28th 2005; just prior to the vote on same-sex marriage, he made the following statement:

"I firmly believe that by passing this legislation, we start on a very slippery slope which could affect societal change in a very adverse way. I see things which have been expressed before that could come down the pike, things like polygamy and others, while hiding behind the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. I am fearful that societal change could happen.

"I also am a firm believer in the fundamental definition of marriage as we have known it all our lives. Marriage is and should continue to be between a man and a woman to the exclusion of all others. I was brought up in that environment and I will continue to believe that until the day I die."

"Until the day I die", sounds like a really long time; and hardly the words of a man now devoted to spending the rest of life making up for his 1991 'lapse of judgement.' Also when suggesting that same-sex marriage would provide a basis for legalizing polygamy (and other things, which he leaves vague) he sounds eerily similar to the Alliance candidate, Larry Spencer, whom he replaced.

In another long term goal of the Reform/Alliance Party, making abortion a crime, Lukiwski was designated anti-choice during the 2004 and 2006 elections; openly opposed the Order of Canada being given to Dr. Henry Morgentaler and voted for Bill C-484, (a re-worded initiative to outlaw abortion) at second reading. Lukiwski is clearly not sorry for his homophobic remarks, just sorry he got caught.

Ironically, Larry Spencer when asked how he felt about Lukiwski's remarks, stated:

“I didn’t think that it should have happened to me and I don’t think it should happen to him,” Spencer said in a phone interview Thursday. “We’re rapidly giving up our freedoms of our own opinion. We do it in the name of political correctness and that it might be offensive to someone. But have you ever stopped to realize that to me as a Christian how offensive it is to hear the foul language and the cursing and the swearing that you hear every day in the workplace and the attacks that I hear and see and read of people attacking Christianity and the Christian faith?” (1)

Clearly he hadn't listened to the entire tape or read the transcripts, or he would have seen and heard a lot of cursing and swearing. You can find both here, and I counted the "F" word 14 times.

Next: Tom Lukiwski: From Mouseland to Dirty Rats

Sources:

1. Larry Spencer offers words of advice for Lukiwski: After Larry Spencer was turfed from the Canadian Alliance Party for making controversial remarks about homosexuals in 2003, Conservative candidate Tom Lukiwski criticized Spencer and approved the revoking of his party membership, By Leader-Post, April 3, 2008